TRANSCRIPT OF THE REMARKS BY AL GORE
TO NAACP 91st ANNUAL CONVENTION
Baltimore, Maryland - Wednesday, July 12, 2000
* There may be some textual errors due to transcription.
Thank you. Thank you. Thank you, NAACP. Thank you, Bill Lucy, for your kind words of
introduction and for your powerful leadership in our country and your leadership on behalf of
organized labor and working families. And I want to acknowledge all the members of
organized labor who are here as a part of this group also.
Let me say how proud I am to stand here with Julian Bond. There is no stronger, steadier, no
more soaring voice for justice and human dignity in all these United States of America.
And it is always an honor and a personal pleasure to join my great friend and former
colleague in the Congress, Kweisi Mfume, who is doing a tremendous job.
And I know how proud he is that you're gathering in his hometown of Baltimore because it is
from this city's streets that Kweisi Mfume has risen up to fight for the rights and opportunities
of all of our people.
And I want to also say a special word of thanks to Myrlie Evers Williams, who has done such a
wonderful job of getting everything in the right shape.
And we share something in common, which is we both have grandchildren born on the Fourth
of July. And last year when I was here it was right after my grandson was born and Tipper and
I just celebrated his first birthday. And we were catching up on grandchildren a little bit earlier.
I appreciate Mayor O'Malley being here and hosting us here in the great city of Baltimore.
I want to thank my fellow Tennesseans who are here in the Tennessee delegation.
Maxine, thank you, and Vasco, thank you. And my colleagues in the Cabinet, Alexis Herman
and Rodney Slater and Togo West.
And I want to also introduce to you the finest presidential campaign manager in the history of
this country, Donna Brazile. And I don't know where she got to.
Right here. Thank you.
Speaking of Baltimore, I want to congratulate a daughter of Baltimore, Vashti McKinsey, for
becoming the first woman bishop of the AME Church in over 200 years. What a breakthrough
for women and what a breakthrough for the AME.
God bless you, Bishop.
This, of course, is the home of the NAACP, and incidentally one of my team members and
colleges for so many years who is also here is the Cabinet--is the secretary of the Cabinet in
our administration, Thurgood Marshall, Jr., and I wanted to acknowledge Goody.
I am a member of the NAACP. It's good to be home.
I have come here, not just in an election year, but year after year.
I have worked with you. I have stood with you. I am proud to have won some battles
alongside you. You are American heroes, because for 91 years now, you've been the foot
soldiers for justice and freedom.
For 91 years now, you have been dedicated to lifting every child, leveling every barrier, and
leaving no one behind. For 91 years now, you have fought for a prosperity that runs much
deeper than our material possessions. It runs to the way we treat one another, the way we
respect one another, the way we cherish equality, seek freedom and love truth that sets us
free.
W.E.B. DuBois described the NAACP's mission this way: The discovering and redress of cases
of injustice. The NAACP has always championed the people, not the powerful; the weak and
the weary, not the well-off and the well-connected.
So to you, and to those who can hear my voice, I want to say it as plainly as I can: I'm
running for president because I want to fight for you. I want to help those who have not had
their fair share of justice, opportunity, equality and the American dream.
We've got to move forward together. I want to serve the people, not the powerful. I want to
take on the special interests on behalf of working families. I don't want to work for those who
make excuses for the way things are instead of striving for the way things are supposed to
be.
Bill Lucy, my fellow Tennessean, described the achievements of the last eight years, and I
appreciate that. I don't want you to forget what it was like eight years ago when there was
very high unemployment, there were deficits in the range of $300 billion a year and constant
arguments for cutting this and that, and always the wrong things. The national debt had
quadrupled in only a dozen years and we had problems getting worse across the board.
I know very well that you gave Bill Clinton and me a chance to bring change to this country.
So thank you, once again, for 1992 and for 1996.
And after the election, together we set our hands to a time of recession and doubt. We
assembled a diverse team that did indeed look like America and reflected the excellence as
well as diversity of America. And with that team, we began making changes and crafted a new
plan to lift up those who needed help and to strengthen our country by getting the hope and
opportunity to those who missed it the most.
What we did was to challenge the old ways. And I don't want you to forget either that it didn't
come without a struggle. It didn't come without a fight. It didn't come without a cliff-hanging
vote in the House of Representatives that we barely won by one vote. It didn't come without a
tie vote in the Senate which I had the honor and privilege of breaking as vice president,
making possible a one-vote margin in both houses of Congress.
The other side predicted that our new way would fail, would cause a disaster for the country.
Their predictions make for humorous reading now, when you set them beside the outstanding
record that Bill Lucy reminded you of, because they were--the other side was headed in the
wrong direction. And they still are.
They need to turn around and get with the program, because we now have evidence of
exactly why the approach that President Clinton and I have recommended and fought for is
good for our country and good for all of our people.
Instead of a triple-dip recession, and the deepest recession since the 1930s, we've seen a
tripling of the stock market.
Instead of the biggest deficits in history, we've got the biggest surpluses in history.
Instead of high unemployment, we've got the lowest African-American unemployment in the
history of the statistics and the strongest economy in the history of the United States of
America. We're making progress. We're headed in the right direction.
We need to keep going in the right direction, and I am here to say: You ain't seen nothing
yet. We're going to keep going. We're going to keep building. We're going to keep growing.
We're going to keep working together and climb to a higher place, a better place, with even
more jobs, where nobody's left behind.
I want to--I want to say that this distinguished audience includes not only our host mayor,
but Mayor John Street of Philadelphia. And I didn't see you, Mr. Mayor, but God bless you.
Thank you, thank you for being here, thank you.
Dr. Earl Richardson of Morgan State University.
And I believe that there's some Congressional Black Caucus members here. I haven't visited
with them yet. But, Peter Angelos, thank you for your leadership and your presence here
also.
Now, when I say you ain't seen nothing yet, I want you to know that I don't offer you
generalities. I want to offer you some specifics.
I believe that it is time to invest in people. I pledge to you that I will bring about--as
president, with your help--a continuation of the economic plan that has been good for our
people. I don't want to go back to the giant deficits that are caused by focusing on massive
tax cuts for the wealthy. I want tax cuts that are targeted to the people who need them, that
are affordable, that are focused on education and health care and child care and raising
children and strengthening families.
I believe we need more empowerment zones so that we can lift up the communities that
have not shared in this prosperity yet.
Alvin Brown, my executive director of the empowerment zone program, has worked with me
all over this country, and we have brought jobs to the places where they are most needed.
I want a specific program to clean up contaminated brownfields, good properties in good
locations that need to be cleaned up and used to attract new jobs.
Now, let me tell you why they're not being cleaned up. I'm going to go and visit one here in
the Baltimore area that the local leadership has tried mightily to get--to turn into a magnet
for opportunity and hope.
There is national legislation pending right now that would do that. And the Democrats support
it. And many moderate Republicans support it. Certainly people around the country support
it.
Why isn't it passing? Well, it is because there are powerful and wealthy special interests that
have entered into a secret agreement that was made public, to the embarrassment of those
who signed it, and the Republican leadership in the Senate pledged not to allow legislation to
go forward that would clean up brownfields because some of the big polluters in this country
didn't want it to go forward, and they secured a pledge that it would be tied to a special
interest provision to help the polluters.
Now, I believe that the bipartisan majority in the Congress that supports this, the bipartisan
majority in the country that is overwhelmingly in favor of it, has the right to say to the
Republican leadership and to the titular head of the Republican Party nationally: Put the
people first. Let's pass this legislation and bring some jobs to the inner city. Let's don't just
talk about it, let's actually do it by passing the legislation.
But instead of passing legislation to revitalize our community, this Congress keeps blocking
progress and trying to pass these massive giveaways to the powerful and the special
interests.
I think you can also see it when you look at the need we all feel to honor our fathers and
mothers by protecting Medicare and Social Security. I think it's time to put them both
off-budget in an ironclad lockbox. Don't treat them as piggy banks for other things.
And I will tell you this, I am against raising the retirement age and cutting benefits to the
seniors who deserve the help that Social Security and Medicare provide. I am opposed to
privatizing Social Security and diverting the money into the stock market.
I want incentives to invest on top of Social Security. I'm for Social Security plus, not Social
Security minus.
I also believe that we have a national responsibility to recognize that opportunity means
knowledge, and knowledge means learning, and learning means respecting our schools and
investing in them. I think it's time to start treating our teachers like the professionals they
are, and reduce the class size, and modernize the schools, and put more money along with
new accountability and reform into our public schools.
And I'm against draining money away in the form of vouchers that offer a false promise
because they don't pay the tuition, they just give the illusion, and they actually divert money
from the public schools.
And why in the world won't the Congress pass the legislation with bipartisan support, again, to
give local communities help in modernizing the facilities? These school buildings in many
places are falling down around the students and the teachers.
I have been to schools where there are no playgrounds anymore because the playground has
been covered up with trailers. I've been to schools where the facilities are so overcrowded
they have to feed lunch in shifts, with first shift in some cases starting at 9:30 in the
morning. I've been to schools where the desks have to be rearranged to avoid the ceiling
tiles falling on the heads of the students, as they sit at their desks trying to study. I've been
at schools where teachers are burdened with 35 students in the classroom.
You know, here we are in an information age when 60 percent of the businesses in America
have good jobs that pay good money. And they can't fill them because they can't find the
people with the education and the skills that are necessary to fill those jobs. Here we have a
debate every single year in America now about whether or not we are going to bust out of the
limits on immigration. And I'm for immigration--don't get me wrong. We are a nation of
immigrants. But it ought to be an alarm bell when we have the employers with the best jobs
in this country coming every single year, year after year, saying, "We have to go halfway
around the world to find people with a college education who can come in and take these
good jobs." We need to educate our own people with the skills needed to seize the jobs of
the future and build the future of this country.
Welcome immigrants, yes, but educate our own people and make the investments. Don't just
put all the attention on a tax break for the wealthy when our people need good schools and
well-trained teachers.
We hear all these people talking about how one way to control crime is to fix up the
neighborhoods because it changes attitudes. And yes, that's right, broken windows need to
be fixed so they don't convey a message of disorder and tolerance of evil-doing. But if that
theory works on crime, why doesn't it work on schools? What message do we send these
young people if they walk into a school that's falling down and in disrepair? We need to tell
them, not just with words, but with our actions that education is important, and that public
education is going to get a commitment and investment.
But this Congress is not only blocking that legislation, they actually tried to repeal our plan to
hire 100,000 new teachers. Well, they get an "F" for effort on education, as far as I'm
concerned.
And in order to have a strong America, we also need to have a healthy America. It is
unconscionable that we have 44 million of our citizens who don't have health care in the
midst of the greatest prosperity we've ever had. We ought to start by making a commitment,
and I make you this commitment: You elect me president, I'll make sure that every child in
America has full health care within the next four years. And then we'll move step by step
toward universal health insurance for all of our people.
Your health should not depend on your wealth.
I believe that one of the places to start is by saying to our seniors, "We understand that the
cost of prescription medicine is higher now. We understand that when you go to the doctor,
they're writing out these prescriptions that work but they're expensive."
I've talked to seniors who go to their medicine chest and take the pill bottles out and they
put them on the breakfast table and they go through each one and then make decisions
without consulting the doctor on which ones they are going to stop taking, which ones they're
going to cut the dosage in half on.
I asked one of them, "Didn't you consult the doctor?" And she said, "No, he'd just tell me not
to do it." I talked with a woman who said that she was eating macaroni and cheese every
meal for the last several weeks because it was on sale and it was the only thing she could
afford after she paid her prescription drug benefit--bill.
Now, we have an opportunity right now to pass legislation. And it is central part of my
platform. I believe that it is time to improve the Medicare program by adding a prescription
drug benefit for our seniors and giving them the help they need to buy their medicine so they
can follow doctors' orders.
But we can't stop there, because we have a set of problems in our health care system that
are bedeviling our people and need to be addressed.
I'll give you an example. I talked just yesterday in Arkansas, in Little Rock, with a doctor who
is a specialist in breast cancer. And she had a patient whose case she described to the crowd
that was gathered there at the medical center. She had a test that came back positive for
breast cancer; it struck fear in her heart, obviously. And she went for a second opinion. And
this specialist said, "Well, you know, it looks to me like this might be an unusual case where
you might not need a mastectomy, because it might be localized and we might be able to do
it with this other treatment, but you need an MRI," one of those expensive tests that's the
successor to the CAT scan. And her insurance company said, "No, we won't pay for that."
The doctor ordered it, but the insurance company nixed it, and they appealed. Who did they
appeal to? The insurance company. The insurance company said, "We stand by the earlier
decision that we made ourselves."
Now, the tragedy was, in this case, they went ahead with the surgery and afterwards they were
able to conduct the biopsy and found indeed that mastectomy was not necessary. But it was
performed because the insurance company wanted to save money on the test.
I talked with a couple out in the state of Washington whose little child, six months old--Dylan
and Christine Malone were their names, their child was named Ian--he had a birth trauma
and brain damage that caused him to have difficulty swallowing. And he needed a nurse and
needed to be suctioned out regularly. And the insurance company said, "We're going to stop
paying for that."
And they appealed and they said, "Well, the doctor said it's necessary. I've paid the
insurance premiums every month, you are obligated to give me the health care. I've kept my
end of the contract. Why don't you keep your end of the contract?"
But they wouldn't do it. And there's no law to make them do it. And in the dialogue with these
parents, the company actually advised them to consider giving up their son for adoption,
because Medicaid would then pay the bills that they were trying to avoid.
I'm telling you--I'm telling you--we need a law that takes these medical decisions away from
the accountants that work for the insurance companies and gives the decisions back to the
doctors and the nurses and the health care professionals, because they are the ones who
know what they're talking about. These accountants don't have a license to practice medicine
and they don't have a right to play God.
We need a real patients' bill of rights, and we need to make it the law of the land. But this
other group on the other side, they refuse to pass it. It failed by a one-vote margin--one
vote.
So let me tell you, it is time for some change.
Another change that's needed: We need to stop the violence and make our streets safe and
battle the scourge of drugs and get the guns out of the schools and out of the
neighborhoods.
It's time for this Congress to stop blocking progress and pass a bill that closes the gun show
loophole, and has mandatory child safety trigger locks, and gets these guns out of the hands
of the people who shouldn't have them. This Congress is blocking progress even on hiring
more prosecutors to enforce the gun laws that are already on the books.
And I know how much power is arrayed on the other side. I saw Charlton Heston on television
the other night. And he named me enemy number one, target number one. Held up a gun,
said something about prying his cold dead fingers off it or something like that.
Well, it didn't surprise me because two weeks earlier he had said that if my opponent was to
be elected, then Heston and his group will be working right out of the Oval Office in the White
House. But I advised him not to pack his bags yet because the last time--the last time
Moses took advice from a bush his people wandered in the wilderness for 40 years, and he
may not be packing his bags right now.
At least he shouldn't be. We've got a few things to say and do. We've got some work to do.
He shouldn't count on it.
Now speaking--speaking of counting--speaking of counting, it's wrong what the leader of the
Republican Party and this Congress are doing in blocking an accurate census because they
don't want to count everyone that they don't think they can count on. I want to count
everyone. I want to count all the people of this country.
And incidentally, let me say one other thing on a very, very serious issue. I have worked very
hard on health care issues here at home, and I've worked on foreign policy, and I formed a
commission with South Africa and President Thabo Mbeki, and I have made more trips to
Africa than I've made to Asia. And one things that I have learned long since is that our entire
world needs to get up and get moving and confront this AIDS epidemic, especially on the
continent of Africa. It is a horrific challenge to our conscience, to our souls. We have to solve
it.
But now let me tell you, again, speaking about counting: There is a remedy for all these
challenges and all these problems, and that is to make sure that when the votes are counted
that we have a majority of the votes, and I want to talk to you a little bit about that.
And I want you to also think about the Congress, because I want you to consider how much
we can get done by taking back the Congress, how much justice will be redeemed when John
Conyers is chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, how much economic progress can be
made when Charlie Rangel is chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, how much
progress we can have when we get that leadership crew that shut down the Congress twice
and send them once again on a midnight train and get them out of the nation's capital.
And I want to make one further point, and this is connection with one of the things that I
want to ask you to do on my behalf. I just happened to see some of your convention on
Monday afternoon.
And I read about it in the newspaper, and I know that you heard some nice-sounding words
on Monday afternoon. But I remembered what scripture teaches in the book of James,
Chapter 2, Verse 18: "Yea, a man may say, Thou has faith, and I have works: show me thy
faith without thy works, and I will show thee my faith by my works."
That is my text for today. Now, look more closely at this text. Throughout the history of this
great nation, many have said much about the great issues of the day but far fewer have had
the courage and conviction to act on their words. Without the courage to act, Frederick
Douglass would have been just a newspaper editor; Harriet Tubman might never have built
the underground railroad; Dr. King might never have left the comfortable pulpit at Ebenezer;
Rosa Parks would still be riding on the back on the bus.
You know from a hard history and a long struggle that talk is cheap. It's deeds that matter.
Talk doesn't cost much. The true test is standing up to the powerful interests and fighting for
the progress that our people deserve. I want you to know I won't be silent. I will lead the
fight for our people. I will lead the fight for justice. I'll lead the fight for campaign finance
reform. I'll lead the fight for the progress we need.
Talk doesn't cost much. The true test is standing up to those who say they want to eliminate
affirmative action. I will defend affirmative action because it is still needed in this country and
I want to tell you why.
Think of this young entrepreneur in the majority community who is well-educated and has a
brilliant idea and wants to start a new business that will create jobs and growth to a mighty
industry, building prosperity. The first thing he or she does is pick up the telephone and call
a member of the family and say, "I need some capital, please, can you invest in my idea?"
Now, think of the entrepreneur coming from a minority community with an idea that is just as
bright, potential just as great, has the education, has the momentum, but comes from a
community where the families don't have the wealth, don't have the capital, don't have
savings.
The average African-American family wealth in America is 11 percent of the average majority
wealth in this country. Same for Hispanic families, roughly one-tenth. Because that's a
category that doesn't measure the progress or lack thereof in a single generation. It doesn't
measure the immediate effect of legislation that's passed. Family wealth is a category that
measures the accumulated effect of many generations of prejudice and diminished
opportunity, things that don't change overnight, unless we decide we're going to change
them.
If that young entrepreneur from an African-American community cannot get access to capital,
cannot find ways to get over that hurdle that has been placed there by history, then who is
hurt? That young entrepreneur is hurt because his dreams have been crushed. He cannot go
forward with his idea.
But he's not the only one who is hurt. What about all the jobs that he would create? What
about the economic strength of the community? What about our entire nation?
I tell you, affirmative action is good for the United States of America, good for our economy,
good for our future and good for all of our people. And I will fight for it.
Talk doesn't cost much. The true test is whether you are for an increase in the minimum
wage. I am for an increase in the minimum wage for those who most need the help. And I'm
not for a states' rights provision to let states overrule an increase in the minimum wage. My
opponent takes that position.
Talk doesn't cost much. The true test is standing up to those who don't recognize the need to
invest more in our schools, and instead proffer the illusion that you can drain money away
from them and not pay the price.
Talk doesn't cost much. The true test is joining our battle to ban racial profiling, speaking out
and acting. And as president, I will end racial profiling in the United States of America. I'll
make the DWB offense obsolete in America. I'll work to bring all of our people together.
Talk doesn't cost much. The true test is whether you are willing to take a stand when the
Confederate flag is flying over a state capital and you see that it needs to come down but
you are afraid to speak out.
Talk doesn't cost much. Taking a stand when it matters requires courage.
Talk doesn't cost much. The true test is to come here to Baltimore and vow to appoint a
Supreme Court that lives up to the legacy of this city's greatest son, Thurgood Marshall, and
interprets the Constitution in the way our founders intended it to be interpreted, not to give a
commitment to the far right wing to stack that court, because stacking the court would
threaten civil rights and threaten the fundamental guarantees of liberty in this country.
And when there is a closed-door meeting with the far-right-wing representatives and they
come out and say that, "We heard everything we needed to hear about the Supreme Court,"
that may not be public, but it is not difficult to understand.
Talk doesn't cost much. The true test is telling Trent Lott and Tom DeLay the time has come
for a tough new law against hate crimes because they are different.
We need to pass hate crimes legislation, because when we don't stamp out the sparks of
hatred, we risk a fire at the very foundation of our house.
And when James Byrd is dragged to his death behind a pickup truck, then the governor of his
home state ought to at least heed the family's plea for action.
In the words of James Byrd's nephew, "I asked him personally if he would use his influence
to help pass the bill, and he told me no."
One brief sentence that said the word "yes" would have mattered a whole lot more to the
cause of justice than a whole speech that didn't even mention hate crimes, the future of the
Supreme Court, taking down the Confederate flag, ending racial profiling or defending
affirmative action or Bob Jones University. One sentence with the word "yes" would have
mattered a whole lot more.
I'm not asking you to read my lips, I'm asking you to read my heart and watch my feet and
watch the work of my hands when joined with yours.
Standing together, marching together, we have a lot of work to do.
Let's heed the lessons of Clarence Mitchell, Charles Hamilton Houston, Roy Wilkens and Ben
Hooks, Rosa Parks. Let's fight together. Let's struggle together. Allow yourselves to believe
that we can do the right thing and be the better for it.
Let's make this country what it is intended to be. Let's rise above our differences. Let's
establish respect for difference. Let's pass the legislation. Let's make the march that will take
us to the mountaintop of justice and prosperity and progress and freedom for all of the
people of the United States of America.
I want your help. I want to fight for you. I want to fight for your families and the future of
America.
God bless you and thank you.
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